DOMITIAN 85AD RARE Authentic Ancient Roman Coin Altar i46108

Item: i46108

 Authentic Ancient

Coin of:

Domitian
– Roman Caesar: 69-81 A.D.
Emperor
: 81-96 A.D. –

Bronze As 26mm (9.28 grams) Rome mint: 85 A.D.
Reference: RIC II 304.
 Laureate bust right, wearing aegis
Exe: SC –  Altar.

You are bidding on the exact item pictured,

Authenticity.

The Aegis  as stated in the
Iliad
, is the
shield
or
buckler
or breastplate of
Athena
and

Zeus, famously bearing
Medusa
‘s head, which, according to
Homer
was fashioned by
Hephaestus
“… and among them went bright-eyed
Athene, holding the precious aegis which is ageless and immortal: a hundred
tassels of pure gold hang fluttering from it, tight-woven each of them, and each
the worth of a hundred oxen.”

The aegis on the Lemnian Athena of
Phidias
, represented by a cast at
the
Pushkin Museum

The modern concept of doing something “under someone’s aegis” means
doing something under the protection of a powerful, knowledgeable, or benevolent
source. The word aegis is identified with protection by a strong force
with its roots in
Greek mythology
and adopted by the Romans;
there are parallels in
Norse mythology
and in
Egyptian mythology
as well, where the Greek
word aegis is applied by extension.

In Greek mythology

Virgil imagines the
Cyclopes
in Hephaestus’ forge, who “busily
burnished the aegis Athene wears in her angry moods—a fearsome thing with a
surface of gold like scaly snake-skin, and he linked serpents and the
Gorgon
herself upon the goddess’s breast—a
severed head rolling its eyes.” furnished with golden tassels and bearing the
Gorgoneion
(Medusa‘s
head) in the central boss. Some of the
Attic
vase-painters retained an archaic
tradition that the tassels had originally been
serpents
in their representations of the aegis.
When the Olympian deities overtook the older deities of Greece and she was born
of
Metis
(inside

Zeus who had swallowed the goddess) and “re-born” through the head of
Zeus fully clothed, Athena already wore her typical garments.

When the Olympian shakes the aegis,
Mount Ida
is wrapped in clouds, the thunder
rolls and men are struck down with fear. “Aegis-bearing Zeus”, as he is in the
Iliad, sometimes lends the fearsome goatskin to
Athena
. In the Iliad when Zeus sends
Apollo
to revive the wounded
Hector of Troy
, Apollo, holding the aegis,
charges the Achaeans, pushing them back to their ships drawn up on the shore.
According to
Edith Hamilton
‘s Mythology: Timeless Tales
of Gods and Heroes,^[3]
the Aegis is the
breastplate
of

Zeus, and was “awful to behold.”

Locating the Aegis

 

Athena’s aegis, bearing the Gorgon, here resembles closely the skin
of the huge serpent who guards the golden fleece (regurgitating
Jason); cup by Douris, Classical Greece, early fifth century BC—Vatican
Museum

Greeks of the Classical age
always detected
that there was something alien and uncanny about the Aegis. It was supposed by
Euripides
(Ion, 995) that the
Gorgon
was the original possessor of this
goatskin, yet the usual understanding is that the Gorgoneion was added
to the Aegis, a
votive gift
from a grateful
Perseus
.

There also is the origin myth that represents the ægis as a fire-breathing
chthonic
monster similar to the
Chimera
, which was slain and flayed by
Athena
, who afterward wore its skin as a
cuirass
(Diodorus
Siculus iii. 70), or as a
chlamys
. The Douris cup shows that the Aegis
was represented exactly as the skin of the guardian serpent, with its scales
clearly delineated. Often the Aegis is described as the bag in which Athene
carried her shield and the serpent who was her son.

John Tzetzes
says that it was the skin of the
monstrous giant
Pallas
whom Athena overcame and whose name she
attached to her own (name).

In a late rendering by
Hyginus
(Poetical Astronomy ii. 13),
Zeus is said to have used the skin of the

goat deity
Amalthea
(aigis “goat-skin”) which
suckled him in Crete
, as a shield when he went forth to do
battle against the
Titans
. She is thought to bear the name of the
deity who was derived from Libya, where known as
Neith
, the same source sometimes identified as
the parallel for Athene.

In accordance with this double meaning, the Aegis appears in works of art
sometimes as an animal’s skin thrown over the shoulders and arms, and sometimes
as a cuirass, with a border of snakes corresponding to the tassels of Homer,
usually with the Gorgon head, the gorgoneion, in the centre.

 

First century BC
mosaic
of Alexander the Great
wearing the aegis on a
mosaic from Pompeii
(Naples
National Archaeological Museum)

It often is represented on the statues of
Roman
emperors, heroes, and warriors as well as
on cameos and vases. A vestige of that appears in a portrait of
Alexander the Great
in a fresco from Pompeii
dated to the first century BC, which shows the image of the head of a woman on
his armor that resembles the Gorgon.

Origins

Herodotus
(Histories iv.189) thought he
had identified the source of the ægis in
Libya
, which was always a distant territory of
ancient magic for the Greeks:

Athene’s garments and ægis were borrowed by the Greeks from the
Libyan women, who are dressed in exactly the same way, except that their
leather garments are fringed with thongs, not serpents.

Robert Graves
in The Greek Myths (1955;
1960) asserts that the ægis in its Libyan sense had been a shamanic pouch
containing various ritual objects, bearing the device of a monstrous
serpent-haired visage with tusk-like teeth and a protruding tongue which was
meant to frighten away the uninitiated. In this context, Graves identifies the
aegis as clearly belonging first to Athena.

Augustus
is shown with an aegis
thrown over his shoulder as a divine attribute in the
Blacas Cameo
; the hole for the head
appears at the point of his shoulder.

Another version^{[citation
needed]} describes it to have been really the goat’s
skin used as a belt to support the shield. When so used it would generally be
fastened on the right shoulder, and would partially envelop the chest as it
passed obliquely round in front and behind to be attached to the shield under
the left arm. Hence, by
metonymy
, it would be employed to denote at
times the shield which it supported, and at other times a
cuirass
, or
chlamys
, the purpose of which it in part
served. In accordance with this double meaning, the ægis appears in works of art
sometimes as an animal’s skin thrown over the shoulders and arms, and sometimes
as a cuirass, with a border of snakes corresponding to the tassels of Homer,
usually with the Gorgon’s head, the gorgoneion, in the centre. It is
often represented on the statues of
Roman
emperors, heroes, and warriors, and on
cameos and vases.

A current modern interpretation is that the
Hittite
sacral hieratic hunting bag (kursas),
a rough and shaggy goatskin that has been firmly established in literary texts
and iconography by H.G. Güterbock, is the most likely source of the aegis.

Etymology

Greek
Αιγίς has three meanings:

1. “violent windstorm”, from the verb ‘αïσσω (stem
   ‘αïγ-) = “I rush or move violently”. Akin to “καταιγίς” hurricane.
2. The shield of a deity as described above
3. “goatskin coat”, from treating the word as meaning “something
   grammatically feminine pertaining to
   goat
   ” (Greek αἰξ (stem
   αἰγ-) = “goat”, + suffix -ίς (stem ίδ-))

The original meaning may have been #1, and Ζευς ‘Αιγιοχος = “Zeus who holds
the aegis” may have originally meant “Sky/Heaven, who holds the storm”. The
transition to the meaning “shield” may have come by
folk-etymology
among a people familiar with
draping an animal skin over the left arm as a shield.

In Egyptian
and Nubian tradition

Aegis of Neith
from the
Twenty-sixth dynasty of Egypt
(Museum
of Fine Arts of Lyon)

The aegis also appears in Ancient
Egyptian mythology
. The goddess
Bast
sometimes was depicted holding a
ceremonial sistrum
in one hand and an aegis in the other –
the aegis usually resembling a collar or
gorget
embellished with a

lioness head.
Plato
drew a parallel between Athene and the
ancient Libyan and Egyptian goddess
Neith
, a
war deity
who also was depicted carrying a
shield.

Aegis on an image of
Isis
from 4th-century BC
Nubia
(British
Museum)

Ancient Nubia
shared many aspects of its mythology with
ancient Egypt and there is debate about the original source of some religious
concepts that the two cultures share and, whether the assimilation was from
Nubia to Egypt, the reverse, or through continuing exchanges. At one time the
Kush
of Nubia ruled ancient Egypt.

An image of Isis wearing an aegis was discovered in present-day
Sudan
, the territory of Nubia when the artifact
was made in the 4th century BC. It is likely to be an artifact of the
flourishing culture of
Meroë
, successors to the culture of Kush, as
indicated by the use of
Egyptian hieroglyphs
and
cartouches
.

In Norse mythology

In
Norse mythology
, the dragon
Fafnir
(best known in the form of a dragon
slain by Sigurðr) bears on his forehead the Ægis-helm (ON ægishjálmr), or Ægir’s
helmet, or more specifically the “Helm of Terror”. However, some versions would
say that Alberich was the one holding a helm, named as the Tarnkappe,
which has the power to make the user invisible. It may be an actual helmet or a
magical sign with a rather poetic name. Ægir is an Old Norse word meaning
“terror” and the name of a destructive giant associated with the sea; ægis
is the
genitive
(possessive) form of ægir and
has no direct relation to Greek aigis.

Domitian (Latin:
Titus Flavius Caesar Domitianus Augustus;24
October 51 – 18 September 96) was
Roman Emperor
from 81 to 96. Domitian was the
third and last emperor of the
Flavian dynasty
.

Domitian’s youth and early career were largely spent in the shadow of his
brother Titus
, who gained military renown during the
First Jewish-Roman War
. This situation
continued under the rule of his father
Vespasian
, who became emperor in 69 following
the civil war
known as the
Year of the Four Emperors
. While Titus held a
great many offices under the rule of his father, Domitian was left with honours
but no responsibilities. Vespasian died in 79 and was succeeded by Titus, whose
own reign came to an unexpected end when he was struck by a fatal illness in 81.
The following day Domitian was declared Emperor by the
Praetorian Guard
, commencing a reign which
lasted fifteen years – longer than any man who had ruled since
Tiberius
.
As Emperor, Domitian strengthened the economy by revaluing the
Roman coinage
, expanded the border defenses of
the Empire, and initiated a massive building program to restore the damaged city
of Rome
. Significant wars were fought in Britain,
where his general
Agricola
attempted to conquer
Caledonia
(Scotland),
and in Dacia
, where Domitian was unable to procure a
decisive victory against king
Decebalus
. Domitian’s government exhibited
totalitarian
characteristics; he saw himself as
the new Augustus
, an enlightened despot destined to
guide the Roman Empire into a new era of brilliance. Religious, military, and
cultural propaganda
fostered a
cult of personality
, and by nominating himself
perpetual
censor
, he sought to control public and private
morals. As a consequence, Domitian was popular with the people and army but
considered a tyrant by members of the
Roman Senate
. According to
Suetonius
, he was the first Roman Emperor who
had demanded to be addressed as dominus et deus (master and god).

Domitian’s reign came to an end in 96 when he was assassinated by court
officials. The same day he was succeeded by his advisor
Nerva
. After his death, Domitian’s memory was
condemned to oblivion
by the Roman Senate,
while senatorial authors such as
Tacitus
,
Pliny the Younger
and
Suetonius
published histories propagating the
view of Domitian as a cruel and paranoid tyrant. Modern history has rejected
these views, instead characterising Domitian as a ruthless but efficient
autocrat, whose cultural, economic and political program provided the foundation
of the peaceful 2nd century.

Early life

Family

Domitian was born in Rome
on 24 October 51, the youngest son of
Titus Flavius Vespasianus
—commonly known as
Vespasian—and
Flavia Domitilla Major
. He had an older sister,
Domitilla the Younger
, and brother, also named
Titus Flavius Vespasianus
.

Decades of civil war during the 1st century BC had contributed greatly to the
demise of the old aristocracy of Rome, which a new Italian nobility gradually
replaced in prominence during the early part of the 1st century. One such
family, the Flavians, or gens
Flavia
, rose from relative obscurity to
prominence in just four generations, acquiring wealth and status under the
emperors of the
Julio-Claudian dynasty
. Domitian’s
great-grandfather,
Titus Flavius Petro
, had served as a
centurion
under
Pompey
during
Caesar’s civil war
. His military career ended
in disgrace when he fled the battlefield at the
Battle of Pharsalus
in 48 BC.

Nevertheless, Petro managed to improve his status by marrying the extremely
wealthy Tertulla, whose fortune guaranteed the upwards mobility of Petro’s son
Titus Flavius Sabinus I
, Domitian’s
grandfather. Sabinus himself amassed further wealth and possible
equestrian
status through his services as
tax collector
in Asia and banker in
Helvetia
(modern Switzerland). By marrying
Vespasia Polla
he allied himself to the more
prestigious
patrician
gens Vespasia, ensuring the
elevation of his sons
Titus Flavius Sabinus II
and Vespasian to
senatorial
rank.

 

A Denarius
of Domitian.

The
political career
of Vespasian included the
offices of quaestor
,
aedile
and
praetor
, and culminated with a
consulship
in 51, the year of Domitian’s birth.
As a military commander, Vespasian gained early renown by participating in the
Roman invasion of Britain
in 43. Nevertheless,
ancient sources allege poverty for the Flavian family at the time of Domitian’s
upbringing, even claiming Vespasian had fallen into disrepute under the emperors
Caligula
(37–41) and

Nero (54–68). Modern history has refuted these claims, suggesting
these stories later circulated under Flavian rule as part of a
propaganda
campaign to diminish success under
the less reputable Emperors of the Julio-Claudian dynasty and to maximize
achievements under Emperor Claudius (41–54) and his son
Britannicus
.

By all appearances, the Flavians enjoyed high imperial favour throughout the
40s and 60s. While Titus received a court education in the company of
Britannicus, Vespasian pursued a successful political and military career.
Following a prolonged period of retirement during the 50s, he returned to public
office under Nero, serving as
proconsul
of the
Africa province
in 63, and accompanying the
emperor during an official tour of
Greece
in 66.

The same year the Jews of the
Judaea province
revolted against the Roman
Empire in what is now known as the
First Jewish-Roman War
. Vespasian was assigned
to lead the Roman army
against the insurgents, with Titus —
who had completed his military education by this time — in charge of a legion.

Youth and character

By 6, Domitian’s mother and sister had long died, while his father and
brother were continuously active in the Roman military, commanding armies in
Germania
and Judaea. For Domitian, this meant
that a significant part of his adolescence was spent in the absence of his near
relatives. During the Jewish-Roman wars, he was likely taken under the care of
his uncle Titus Flavius Sabinus II, at the time serving as
city prefect
of Rome; or possibly even
Marcus Cocceius Nerva
, a loyal friend of the
Flavians and the future successor to Domitian.

He received the education of a young man of the privileged senatorial class,
studying rhetoric
and
literature
. In his biography in the
Lives of the Twelve Caesars
,
Suetonius
attests to Domitian’s ability to
quote the important poets and writers such as
Homer
or
Virgil
on appropriate occasions, and describes
him as a learned and educated adolescent, with elegant conversation. Among his
first published works were
poetry
, as well as writings on law and
administration.

Unlike his brother Titus, Domitian was not educated at court. Whether he
received formal military training is not recorded, but according to Suetonius,
he displayed considerable marksmanship with the bow and arrow. A detailed
description of Domitian’s appearance and character is provided by Suetonius, who
devotes a substantial part of his biography to his personality.

“He was tall of stature, with a modest expression and a high colour. His
eyes were large, but his sight was somewhat dim. He was handsome and
graceful too, especially when a young man, and indeed in his whole body with
the exception of his feet, the toes of which were somewhat cramped. In later
life he had the further disfigurement of baldness, a protruding belly, and
spindling legs, though the latter had become thin from a long illness.”
 

Suetonius
,
De Vita Caesarum
, “Life of
Domitian”, 18

Domitian was allegedly extremely sensitive regarding his baldness, which he
disguised in later life by wearing wigs. According to Suetonius, he even wrote a
book on the subject of
hair care
. With regard to Domitian’s
personality, however, the account of Suetonius alternates sharply between
portraying Domitian as the emperor-tyrant, a man both physically and
intellectually lazy, and the intelligent, refined personality drawn elsewhere.

Historian
Brian Jones
concludes in The Emperor
Domitian that assessing the true nature of Domitian’s personality is
inherently complicated by the bias of the surviving sources. Common threads
nonetheless emerge from the available evidence. He appears to have lacked the
natural charisma of his brother and father. He was prone to suspicion, displayed
an odd, sometimes
self-deprecating
sense of humour, and often
communicated in cryptic ways.

This ambiguity of character was further exacerbated by his remoteness, and as
he grew older, he increasingly displayed a preference for solitude, which may
have stemmed from his isolated upbringing. Indeed, by the age of eighteen nearly
all of his closest relatives had died by war or disease. Having spent the
greater part of his early life in the twilight of Nero’s reign, his formative
years would have been strongly influenced by the political turmoil of the 60s,
culminating with the
civil war
of 69, which brought his family to
power.

Rise of the
Flavian dynasty

Year of the Four
Emperors

On 9 June 68, amidst growing opposition of the
Senate
and the army, Nero committed
suicide
, and with him the Julio-Claudian
dynasty came to an end. Chaos ensued, leading to a year of brutal civil war
known as the
Year of the Four Emperors
, during which the
four most influential generals in the
Roman Empire
—Galba,

Otho,
Vitellius
and
Vespasian
—successively vied for imperial power.^[28]

News of Nero’s death reached Vespasian as he was preparing to besiege the
city of Jerusalem
. Almost simultaneously the Senate had
declared Galba, then governor of
Hispania Tarraconensis
(modern Spain), as
Emperor of Rome. Rather than continue his campaign, Vespasian decided to await
further orders and send Titus to greet the new Emperor.

Before reaching Italy, Titus learnt that Galba had been murdered and replaced
by Otho, the governor of
Lusitania
(modern Portugal). At the same time
Vitellius and his armies in
Germania
had risen in revolt, and prepared to
march on Rome, intent on overthrowing Otho. Not wanting to risk being taken
hostage by one side or the other, Titus abandoned the journey to Rome and
rejoined his father in Judaea.

Otho and Vitellius realised the potential threat posed by the Flavian
faction. With four legions at his disposal, Vespasian commanded a strength of
nearly 80,000 soldiers. His position in Judaea further granted him the advantage
of being nearest to the vital
province of Egypt
, which controlled the
grain supply to Rome
. His brother Titus Flavius
Sabinus II, as city prefect, commanded the entire
city garrison
of Rome. Tensions among the
Flavian troops ran high, but so long as either Galba or Otho remained in power,
Vespasian refused to take action.

When Otho was defeated by Vitellius at the
First Battle of Bedriacum
, the armies in Judaea
and Egypt took matters into their own hands and declared Vespasian emperor on 1
July 69.^[31]
Vespasian accepted, and entered an alliance with
Gaius Licinius Mucianus
, the governor of Syria,
against Vitellius. A strong force drawn from the Judaean and Syrian legions
marched on Rome under the command of Mucianus, while Vespasian himself travelled
to Alexandria
, leaving Titus in charge of ending
the Jewish rebellion.

In Rome meanwhile, Domitian was placed under
house arrest
by Vitellius, as a safeguard
against future Flavian aggression. Support for the old emperor was waning
however, as more legions throughout the empire pledged their allegiance to
Vespasian. On 24 October 69 the forces of Vitellius and Vespasian clashed at the
Second Battle of Bedriacum
, which ended in a
crushing defeat for the armies of Vitellius.

In despair, he attempted to negotiate a surrender. Terms of peace, including
a voluntary abdication, were agreed upon with Titus Flavius Sabinus II,^[34]
but the soldiers of the
Praetorian Guard
—the imperial
bodyguard
—considered such a resignation
disgraceful, and prevented Vitellius from carrying out the treaty.^[35]
On the morning of 18 December, the emperor appeared to deposit the imperial
insignia at the
Temple of Concord
, but at the last minute
retraced his steps to the Imperial palace. In the confusion, the leading men of
the state gathered at Sabinus’ house, proclaiming Vespasian as Emperor, but the
multitude dispersed when Vitellian cohorts clashed with the armed escort of
Sabinus, who was forced to retreat to the
Capitoline Hill
.

During the night, he was joined by his relatives, including Domitian. The
armies of Mucianus were nearing Rome, but the besieged Flavian party did not
hold out for longer than a day. On 19 December, Vitellianists burst onto the
Capitol, and in the resulting skirmish, Sabinus was captured and executed.
Domitian himself managed to escape by disguising himself as a worshipper of

Isis, and spent the night in safety with one of his father’s
supporters.

By the afternoon of 20 December Vitellius was dead, his armies having been
defeated by the Flavian legions. With nothing more to be feared from the enemy,
Domitian came forward to meet the invading forces; he was universally saluted by
the title of
Caesar
, and the mass of troops conducted
him to his father’s house.^[36]
The following day, 21 December, the Senate proclaimed Vespasian emperor of the
Roman Empire.

Aftermath of the war

Although the war had officially ended, a state of
anarchy
and lawlessness pervaded in the first
days following the demise of Vitellius. Order was properly restored by Mucianus
in early 70 but Vespasian did not enter Rome until September of that year. In
the meantime, Domitian acted as the representative of the Flavian family in the
Roman Senate
. He received the title of
Caesar and was appointed
praetor
with
consular
power.

The ancient historian
Tacitus
describes Domitian’s first speech in
the Senate as brief and measured, at the same time noting his ability to elude
awkward questions. Domitian’s authority was merely
nominal
, however, foreshadowing what was to be
his role for at least ten more years. By all accounts, Mucianus held the real
power in Vespasian’s absence and he was careful to ensure that Domitian, still
only eighteen years old, did not overstep the boundaries of his function. Strict
control was also maintained over the young Caesar’s
entourage
, promoting away Flavian generals such
as Arrius Varus and
Antonius Primus
and replacing them by more
reliable men such as
Arrecinus Clemens
.

Equally curtailed by Mucianus were Domitian’s military ambitions. The civil
war of 69 had severely destabilized the provinces, leading to several local
uprisings such as the
Batavian revolt
in

Gaul.
Batavian
auxiliaries of the
Rhine
legions, led by
Gaius Julius Civilis
, had rebelled with the aid
of a faction of Treveri
under the command of
Julius Classicus
. Seven legions were sent from
Rome, led by Vespasian’s brother-in-law
Quintus Petillius Cerialis
.

Although the revolt was quickly suppressed, exaggerated reports of disaster
prompted Mucianus to depart the capital with reinforcements of his own. Domitian
eagerly sought the opportunity to attain military glory and joined the other
officers with the intention of commanding a legion of his own. According to
Tacitus, Mucianus was not keen on this prospect but since he considered Domitian
a liability in any capacity that was entrusted to him, he preferred to keep him
close at hand rather than in Rome.^[40]

When news arrived of Cerialis’ victory over Civilis, Mucianus tactfully
dissuaded Domitian from pursuing further military endeavours. Domitian then
wrote to Cerialis personally, suggesting he hand over command of his army but,
once again, he was snubbed.^[20]
With the return of Vespasian in late September, his political role was rendered
all but obsolete and Domitian withdrew from government devoting his time to arts
and literature.

Marriage

Where his political and military career had ended in disappointment,
Domitian’s private affairs were more successful. In 70 Vespasian attempted to
arrange a dynastic marriage between his youngest son and the daughter of Titus,
Julia Flavia
,^[42]
but Domitian was adamant in his love for
Domitia Longina
, going so far as to persuade
her husband,
Lucius Aelius Lamia
, to divorce her so that
Domitian could marry her himself.

A bust of
Domitia Longina
, with Flavian
hairstyle
, (Louvre).

Despite its initial recklessness, the alliance was very prestigious for both
families. Domitia Longina was the younger daughter of
Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo
, a respected general
and honoured politician. Following the failed
Pisonian conspiracy
against

Nero in 65, he had been forced to commit suicide. The new marriage
not only re-established ties to senatorial opposition, but also served the
broader Flavian propaganda of the time, which sought to diminish Vespasian’s
political success under Nero. Instead connections to Claudius and Britannicus
were emphasised, and Nero’s victims, or those otherwise disadvantaged by him,
rehabilitated.

In 80, Domitia and Domitian’s only attested son was born. It is not known
what the boy’s name was, but he died in childhood in 83. Shortly following his
accession as Emperor, Domitian bestowed the honorific title of
Augusta
upon Domitia, while their son was
deified
, appearing as such on the
reverse
of coin types from this period.^[45]
Nevertheless, the marriage appears to have faced a significant crisis in 83. For
reasons unknown, Domitian briefly
exiled
Domitia, and then soon recalled her,
either out of love or due to rumours that he was carrying on a relationship with
his niece Julia Flavia.^[46]
Jones argues that most likely he did so for her failure to produce an heir.

By 84, Domitia had returned to the palace, where she lived for the remainder
of Domitian’s reign without incident. Little is known of Domitia’s activities as
Empress, or how much influence she wielded in Domitian’s government, but it
seems her role was limited. From Suetonius, we know that she at least
accompanied the Emperor to the
amphitheatre
, while the
Jewish
writer
Josephus
speaks of benefits he received from
her. It is not known whether Domitian had other children, but he did not marry
again. Despite allegations by Roman sources of adultery and divorce, the
marriage appears to have been happy.

Ceremonial heir
(71-81)

Prior to becoming Emperor, Domitian’s role in the Flavian government was
largely ceremonial. In June 71,
Titus
returned triumphant from the war in
Judaea. Ultimately, the rebellion had claimed the lives of over 1 million
people, a majority of whom were Jewish. The city and
temple of Jerusalem
were completely destroyed,
its most valuable treasures carried off by the Roman army, and nearly 100,000
people were captured and enslaved.

For his victory, the Senate awarded Titus a
Roman triumph
. On the day of the festivities,
the Flavian family rode into the capital, preceded by a lavish parade which
displayed the spoils of the war. The family procession was headed by Vespasian
and Titus, while Domitian, riding a magnificent white horse, followed with the
remaining Flavian relatives.

Leaders of the Jewish resistance were executed in the
Forum Romanum
, after which the procession
closed with religious sacrifices at the
Temple of Jupiter
. A
triumphal arch
, the
Arch of Titus
, was erected at the south-east
entrance to the Forum to commemorate the successful end of the war.^[54]

Yet the return of Titus further highlighted the comparative insignificance of
Domitian, both militarily and politically. As the eldest and most experienced of
Vespasian’s sons, Titus shared
tribunician power
with his father, received
seven consulships
, the
censorship
, and was given
command
of the
Praetorian Guard
; powers which left no doubt he
was the designated heir to the Empire. As a second son, Domitian held honorary
titles, such as Caesar or Princeps Iuventutis, and several
priesthoods, including those of
augur
,
pontifex
,
frater arvalis
, magister frater arvalium,
and sacerdos collegiorum omnium, but no office with
imperium
.

He held six consulships during Vespasian’s reign but only one of these, in
73, was an ordinary consulship. The other five were less prestigious
suffect consulships
, which he held in 71, 75,
76, 77 and 79 respectively, usually replacing his father or brother in
mid-January.^[55]
While ceremonial, these offices no doubt gained Domitian valuable experience in
the Roman Senate, and may have contributed to his later reservations about its
relevance.

Under Vespasian and Titus, non-Flavians were virtually excluded from the
important public offices. Mucianus himself all but disappeared from historical
records during this time, and it is believed he died sometime between 75 and 77.
Real power was unmistakably concentrated in the hands of the Flavian faction;
the weakened Senate only maintained the facade of
democracy
.

Because Titus effectively acted as co-emperor with his father, no abrupt
change in Flavian policy occurred when Vespasian died on 23 June 79. Titus
assured Domitian that full partnership in the government would soon be his, but
neither tribunician power nor imperium of any kind was conferred upon him
during Titus’ brief reign. Understandably, the new Emperor was not eager to
alter this arrangement: he would have expected to rule for at least another
twenty or thirty years, and urgent attention was required to address the
multitude of disasters which struck during 79 and 80.

On 24 August 79,
Mount Vesuvius erupted
, burying the surrounding
cities of Pompeii
and
Herculaneum
under metres of ash and lava; the
following year, a fire broke out in Rome which lasted three days and which
destroyed a number of important public buildings. Consequently, Titus spent much
of his reign coordinating relief efforts and restoring damaged property. On 13
September 81 after barely two years in office, he unexpectedly died of fever
during a trip to the
Sabine
territories.

Ancient authors have implicated Domitian in the death of his brother, either
by directly accusing him of murder, or implying he left the ailing Titus for
dead, even alleging that during his lifetime, Domitian was openly plotting
against his brother. It is difficult to assess the factual veracity of these
statements given the known

bias of the surviving sources. Brotherly affection was likely at a
minimum, but this was hardly surprising, considering that Domitian had barely
seen Titus after the age of seven.

Whatever the nature of their relationship, Domitian seems to have displayed
little sympathy when his brother lay dying, instead making for the
Praetorian camp
where he was proclaimed
emperor. The following day, 14 September, the Senate confirmed Domitian’s
powers, granting tribunician power, the office of
Pontifex Maximus
, and the titles of
Augustus
, and
Pater Patriae
.

Emperor (81)

Administration

As Emperor, Domitian quickly dispensed with the republican facade his father
and brother had maintained during their reign. By moving the centre of
government (more or less formally) to the imperial
court
, Domitian openly rendered the Senate’s
powers obsolete. In his view, the Roman Empire was to be governed as a
divine monarchy
with himself as the
benevolent despot
at its head.

In addition to exercising absolute political power, Domitian believed the
Emperor’s role encompassed every aspect of daily life, guiding the Roman people
as a cultural and
moral authority
. To usher in the new era, he
embarked on ambitious economic, military and cultural programs with the
intention of restoring the Empire to the splendour it had seen under the Emperor
Augustus
.

Despite these grand designs Domitian was determined to govern the Empire
conscientiously and scrupulously. He became personally involved in all branches
of the administration:
edicts
were issued governing the smallest
details of everyday life and law, while taxation and public morals were rigidly
enforced. According to Suetonius, the imperial
bureaucracy
never ran more efficiently than
under Domitian, whose exacting standards and suspicious nature maintained
historically low corruption among
provincial governors
and elected officials.

Although he made no pretence regarding the significance of the Senate under
his absolute rule, those
senators
he deemed unworthy were expelled from
the Senate, and in the distribution of public offices he rarely favoured family
members; a policy which stood in contrast to the
nepotism
practiced by Vespasian and Titus.
Above all, however, Domitian valued loyalty and malleability in those he
assigned to strategic posts, qualities he found more often in men of the
equestrian
order than in members of the Senate
or his own family, whom he regarded with suspicion, and promptly removed from
office if they disagreed with imperial policy.

The reality of Domitian’s autocracy was further highlighted by the fact that,
more than any emperor since Tiberius, he spent significant periods of time away
from the capital. Although the Senate’s power had been in decline since the fall
of the Republic, under Domitian the seat of power was no longer even in Rome,
but rather wherever the Emperor was.^[65]
Until the completion of the
Flavian Palace
on the
Palatine Hill
, the imperial court was situated
at Alba or Circeo, and sometimes even farther afield. Domitian toured the
European provinces extensively, and spent at least three years of his reign in
Germania
and
Illyricum
, conducting military campaigns on the
frontiers of the Empire.

Economy

Upon his accession, Domitian revalued the Roman currency by
increasing the silver content of the
denarius
by 12%. This coin
commemorates the
deification
of Domitian’s son.

Domitian’s tendency towards
micromanagement
was nowhere more evident than
in his financial policy. The question of whether Domitian left the Roman Empire
in debt or with a surplus at the time of his death has been fiercely debated.
The evidence points to a balanced economy for the greater part of Domitian’s
reign.^[75]
Upon his accession he revalued the
Roman currency
dramatically. He increased the
silver purity of the
denarius
from 90% to 98% — the actual silver
weight increasing from 2.87 grams to 3.26 grams. A financial crisis in 85 forced
a devaluation
of the silver purity and weight to
93.5% and 3.04 grams respectively.

Nevertheless the new values were still higher than the levels which Vespasian
and Titus had maintained during their reigns. Domitian’s rigorous taxation
policy ensured that this standard was sustained for the following eleven years.
Coinage from this era displays a highly consistent degree of quality including
meticulous attention to Domitian’s titulature and refined artwork on the reverse
portraits.

Jones estimates Domitian’s annual income at more than 1,200 million
sestertii
, of which over one-third would
presumably have been spent maintaining the Roman army. The other major expense
was the extensive reconstruction of Rome. At the time of Domitian’s accession
the city was still suffering from the damage caused by the
Great Fire of 64
, the civil war of 69 and the
fire in 79.

Much more than a renovation project however, Domitian’s building program was
intended to be the crowning achievement of an Empire-wide cultural
renaissance
. Around fifty structures were
erected, restored or completed, achievements second only to those of Augustus.
Among the most important new structures were an
odeon
, a
stadium
, and an expansive palace on the
Palatine Hill
known as the
Flavian Palace
which was designed by Domitian’s
master architect
Rabirius
.

The most important building Domitian restored was the
Temple of Jupiter
on the
Capitoline Hill
, said to have been covered with
a gilded
roof. Among those completed were the
Temple of Vespasian and Titus
, the
Arch of Titus
, and the
Colosseum
, to which he added a fourth level and
finished the interior seating area.

In order to appease the people of Rome an estimated 135 million sestertii was
spent on donatives, or
congiaria
, throughout Domitian’s reign. The
Emperor also revived the practice of public banquets, which had been reduced to
a simple distribution of food under Nero, while he invested large sums on
entertainment and games. In 86 he founded the
Capitoline Games
, a quadrennial contest
comprising
athletic displays
,
chariot racing
, and competitions for
oratory
, music and acting.

Domitian himself supported the travel of competitors from all corners of the
Empire to Rome and distributed the prizes. Innovations were also introduced into
the regular gladiatorial
games such as naval contests,
nighttime battles, and female and dwarf gladiator fights. Lastly, he added two
new factions to the chariot races, Gold and Purple, to race against the existing
White, Red, Green and Blue factions.

Military activity

A rock inscription near Boyukdash mountain, Azerbaijan, mentioning
Domitian and
Legio XII Fulminata
.

The military campaigns undertaken during Domitian’s reign were generally
defensive in nature, as the Emperor rejected the idea of expansionist warfare.
His most significant military contribution was the development of the
Limes Germanicus
, which encompassed a vast
network of roads, forts and watchtowers constructed along the
Rhine
river to defend the Empire. Nevertheless,
several important wars were fought in

Gaul, against the
Chatti
, and across the
Danube
frontier against the
Suebi
, the
Sarmatians
, and the
Dacians
.

The conquest of Britain continued under the command of
Gnaeus Julius Agricola
, who expanded the Roman
Empire as far as
Caledonia
, or modern day
Scotland
. Domitian also founded a new
legion
in 82, the
Legio I Minervia
, to fight against the Chatti.^[85]
Domitian is also credited on the easternmost Roman evidence known,^[86]
the rock inscription near Boyukdash mountain, in present-day
Azerbaijan
. As judged by the carved titles of
Caesar
,
Augustus
and Germanicus, the related march took
place between 84 and 96 AD.

Domitian’s administration of the Roman army was characterized by the same
fastidious involvement he exhibited in other branches of the government. His
competence as a military strategist was criticised by his contemporaries
however.^[83]
Although he claimed several
triumphs
, these were largely propaganda
manoeuvres. Tacitus derided Domitian’s victory against the Chatti as a “mock
triumph”, and criticised his decision to retreat from Britain following the
conquests of Agricola.^[87][88]

Nevertheless, Domitian appears to have been very popular amongst the
soldiers, spending an estimated three years of his reign among the army on
campaigns—more than any emperor since Augustus—and raising their pay by
one-third.^[84][89]
While the army command may have disapproved of his tactical and strategic
decisions, the loyalty of the common soldier was unquestioned.

Campaign against
the Chatti

Once Emperor, Domitian immediately sought to attain his long delayed military
glory. As early as 82, or possibly 83, he went to Gaul, ostensibly to conduct a
census
, and suddenly ordered an attack on the
Chatti. For this purpose, a new legion was founded,
Legio I Minervia
, which constructed some
75 kilometres (46 mi) of roads through Chattan territory to uncover the enemy’s
hiding places.

Although little information survives of the battles fought, enough early
victories were apparently achieved for Domitian to be back in Rome by the end of
83, where he celebrated an elaborate triumph and conferred upon himself the
title of Germanicus. Domitian’s supposed victory was much scorned by
ancient authors, who described the campaign as “uncalled for”, and a “mock
triumph”. The evidence lends some credence to these claims, as the Chatti would
later play a significant role during the revolt of Saturninus in 89.

Conquest of
Britain (77-84)

One of the most detailed reports of military activity under the Flavian
dynasty was written by
Tacitus
, whose biography of his father-in-law
Gnaeus Julius Agricola
largely concerns the
conquest of Britain between 77 and 84.^[84]
Agricola arrived c. 77 as governor of Roman Britain, immediately launching
campaigns into
Caledonia
(modern day
Scotland
).

In 82 Agricola crossed an unidentified body of water and defeated peoples
unknown to the Romans until then. He fortified the coast facing Ireland, and
Tacitus recalls that his father-in-law often claimed the island could be
conquered with a single legion and a few
auxiliaries
. He had given refuge to an exiled
Irish king whom he hoped he might use as the excuse for conquest. This conquest
never happened, but some historians believe that the crossing referred to was in
fact a small-scale exploratory or punitive expedition to Ireland.

Turning his attention from Ireland, the following year Agricola raised a
fleet and pushed beyond the
Forth
into Caledonia. To aid the advance, a
large legionary fortress was constructed at
Inchtuthil
. In the summer of 84, Agricola faced
the armies of the Caledonians, led by
Calgacus
, at the
Battle of Mons Graupius
. Although the Romans
inflicted heavy losses on the enemy, two-thirds of the Caledonian army escaped
and hid in the Scottish marshes and
Highlands
, ultimately preventing Agricola from
bringing the entire British island under his control.

In 85, Agricola was recalled to Rome by Domitian, having served for more than
six years as governor, longer than normal for consular legates during the
Flavian era. Tacitus claims that Domitian ordered his recall because Agricola’s
successes outshone the Emperor’s own modest victories in Germania.^[87]
The relationship between Agricola and the Emperor is unclear: on the one hand,
Agricola was awarded triumphal decorations and a statue, on the other, Agricola
never again held a civil or military post in spite of his experience and renown.
He was offered the governorship of the province of
Africa
, but declined it, either due to ill
health or, as Tacitus claims, the machinations of Domitian.

Not long after Agricola’s recall from Britain, the Roman Empire entered into
war with the Kingdom of Dacia
in the East. Reinforcements
were needed, and in 87 or 88, Domitian ordered a large-scale strategic
withdrawal
of troops in the British province.
The fortress at Inchtuthil was dismantled and the Caledonian forts and
watchtowers abandoned, moving the Roman frontier some 120 kilometres (75 mi)
further south. The army command may have resented Domitian’s decision to
retreat, but to him the Caledonian territories never represented anything more
than a loss to the Roman treasury.

Dacian wars
(85–88)

The most significant threat the Roman Empire faced during the reign of
Domitian arose from the northern provinces of
Illyricum
, where the Suebi, the Sarmatians and
the Dacians
continuously harassed Roman settlements
along the Danube
river. Of these, the Sarmatians and the
Dacians posed the most formidable threat. In approximately 84 or 85 the Dacians,
led by King Decebalus
, crossed the Danube into the province
of Moesia
, wreaking havoc and killing the Moesian
governor
Oppius Sabinus
.^[98]

Domitian quickly launched a
counteroffensive
, personally travelling to the
region accompanied by a large force commanded by his
praetorian prefect

Cornelius Fuscus
. Fuscus successfully drove the
Dacians back across the border in mid-85, prompting Domitian to return to Rome
and celebrate his second triumph.

The victory proved short-lived, however: as early in 86 Fuscus embarked on an
ill-fated expedition into Dacia which resulted in the complete destruction of
the fifth legion,
Legio V Alaudae
, in the
First Battle of Tapae
. Fuscus was killed, and
the
battle standard
of the Praetorian Guard was
lost. The loss of the battle standard, or aquila, was indicative of a
crushing defeat and a serious affront to Roman national pride.

Domitian returned to Moesia in August 86. He divided the province into Lower
Moesia and Upper Moesia, and transferred three additional legions to the Danube.
In 87, the Romans invaded Dacia once more, this time under the command of
Tettius Julianus
, and finally defeated
Decebalus in late 88 at the same site where Fuscus had previously perished. An
attack on the Dacian capital
Sarmizegetusa
was forestalled when new troubles
arose on the German frontier in 89.

In order to avert having to conduct a war on two fronts, Domitian agreed to
terms of peace with Decebalus, negotiating free access of Roman troops through
the Dacian region while granting Decebalus an annual subsidy of 8 million
sesterces. Contemporary authors severely criticised this treaty, which was
considered shameful to the Romans and left the deaths of Sabinus and Fuscus
unavenged. For the remainder of Domitian’s reign Dacia remained a relatively
peaceful
client kingdom
, but Decebalus used the Roman
money to fortify his defences.

Domitian probably wanted a new war against the Dacians, and reinforced Upper
Moesia with two more cavalry units brought from Syria and with at least five
cohorts brought from Pannonia.
Trajan
continued Domitian’s policy and added
two more units to the auxiliary forces of Upper Moesia, and then he used the
build up of troops for his Dacian wars. Eventually the Romans achieved a
decisive victory against Decebalus in 106. Again, the Roman army sustained heavy
losses, but Trajan succeeded in capturing Sarmizegetusa and, importantly,
annexed the Dacian gold and silver mines.

Religious policy

 

A Roman aureus
minted under Domitian. The
reverse depicts the Roman goddess
Minerva
, who was Domitian’s
favoured deity, and appeared on numerous coin types throughout his
reign. This particular reverse depicts the goddess advancing with a
javelin
and a
shield
in hand.

Domitian firmly believed in the traditional
Roman religion
, and personally saw to it that
ancient customs and morals were observed throughout his reign. In order to
justify the divine nature of the Flavian rule, Domitian emphasized connections
with the chief deity
Jupiter
, perhaps most significantly through the
impressive restoration of the
Temple of Jupiter
on the
Capitoline Hill
. A small
chapel
dedicated to Jupiter Conservator
was also constructed near the house where Domitian had fled to safety on 20
December, 69. Later in his reign, he replaced it with a more expansive building,
dedicated to Jupiter Custos.

The goddess he worshipped the most zealously however was
Minerva
. Not only did he keep a personal shrine
dedicated to her in his bedroom, she regularly appeared on his coinage—in four
different attested reverse types—and he founded a legion, Legio I Minervia, in
her name.

Domitian also revived the practice of the
imperial cult
, which had fallen somewhat out of
use under Vespasian. Significantly, his first act as an Emperor was the
deification of his brother Titus. Upon their deaths, his infant son, and niece,
Julia Flavia, were likewise enrolled among the gods. With regards to the emperor
himself as a religious figure, both
Suetonius
and
Cassius Dio
allege that Domitian officially
gave himself the title of Dominus et Deus.^[108][109]
However, not only did he reject the title of Dominus during his reign,^[110]
but since he issued no official documentation or coinage to this effect,
historians such as Brian Jones contend that such phrases were addressed to
Domitian by flatterers who wished to earn favors from the emperor.

To foster the worship of the imperial family, he erected a dynastic
mausoleum
on the site of Vespasian’s former
house on the
Quirinal
, and completed the
Temple of Vespasian and Titus
, a shrine
dedicated to the worship of his deified father and brother. To memorialize the
military triumphs of the Flavian family, he ordered the construction of the
Templum Divorum and the Templum Fortuna Redux, and completed the
Arch of Titus
.

Construction projects such as these constituted only the most visible part of
Domitian’s religious policy, which also concerned itself with the fulfilment of
religious law and public morals. In 85, he nominated himself perpetual
censor
, the office which held the task of
supervising Roman morals and conduct. Once again, Domitian acquitted himself of
this task dutifully, and with care. He renewed the
Lex Iulia de Adulteriis Coercendis
, under
which adultery was punishable by
exile
. From the list of jurors he struck an
equestrian who had divorced his wife and taken her back, while an ex-quaestor
was expelled from the Senate for acting and dancing.

Domitian also heavily prosecuted corruption among public officials, removing
jurors if they accepted bribes and rescinding legislation when a
conflict of interest
was suspected.^[68]
He ensured that
libellous
writings, especially those directed
against himself, were punishable by exile or death.^[68]
Actors were likewise regarded with suspicion, as their performances provided an
opportunity for satire
at the expense of the government.^[113]
Consequently, he forbade
mimes
from appearing on stage in public.

In 87,
Vestal Virgins
were found to have broken their
sacred vows of lifelong public chastity. As the Vestals were regarded as
daughters of the community, this offence essentially constituted
incest
. Accordingly, those found guilty of any
such transgression were condemned to death, either by a manner of their
choosing, or according to the ancient fashion, which dictated that Vestals
should be
buried alive
.

Foreign religions were tolerated insofar as they did not interfere with
public order, or could be assimilated with the traditional Roman religion. The
worship of Egyptian deities in particular flourished under the Flavian dynasty,
to an extent not seen again until the reign of
Commodus
. Veneration of
Serapis
and

Isis, who were identified with Jupiter and Minerva respectively, was
especially prominent.

4th century writings by
Eusebius of Caesarea
maintains that
Jews
and
Christians
were heavily
persecuted
toward the end of Domitian’s reign.
The
Book of Revelation
is thought by some to have
been written during this period. Although Jews were heavily taxed, no
contemporary authors mention trials or executions based on
religious offenses
other than those within the
Roman religion.

Opposition

Revolt
of Governor Saturninus (89)

Domitian,
Capitoline Museums
,
Rome
.

On 1 January 89, the governor of
Germania Superior
,
Lucius Antonius Saturninus
, and his two legions
at Mainz
,
Legio XIV Gemina
and
Legio XXI Rapax
, revolted against the Roman
Empire with the aid of the
Germanic Chatti tribe
.^[90]
The precise cause for the rebellion is uncertain, although it appears to have
been planned well in advance. The Senatorial officers may have disapproved of
Domitian’s military strategies, such as his decision to fortify the German
frontier rather than attack, as well as his recent retreat from Britain, and
finally the disgraceful policy of
appeasement
towards Decebalus.

At any rate, the uprising was strictly confined to Saturninus’ province, and
quickly detected once the rumour spread across the neighbouring provinces. The
governor of Germania Inferior
, Lappius Maximus,
moved to the region at once, assisted by the procurator of
Rhaetia
, Titus Flavius Norbanus. From Spain,
Trajan was summoned, whilst Domitian himself came from Rome with the Praetorian
Guard.

By a stroke of luck, a thaw prevented the Chatti from crossing the Rhine and
coming to Saturninus’ aid. Within twenty-four days the rebellion was crushed,
and its leaders at Mainz savagely punished. The mutinous legions were sent to
the front in
Illyricum
, while those who had assisted in
their defeat were duly rewarded.

Lappius Maximus received the governorship of the province of Syria, a
consulship in May 95, and finally a priesthood which he still held in 102. Titus
Flavius Norbanus may have been appointed to the prefecture of Egypt, but almost
certainly became prefect of the Praetorian Guard by 94, with
Titus Petronius Secundus
as his colleague.
Domitian opened the year following the revolt by sharing the consulship with
Marcus Cocceius Nerva, suggesting the latter had played a part in uncovering the
conspiracy, perhaps in a fashion similar to the one he played during the
Pisonian conspiracy
under Nero.

Although little is known about the life and career of Nerva before his
accession as Emperor in 96, he appears to have been a highly adaptable diplomat,
surviving multiple regime changes and emerging as one of the Flavians’ most
trusted advisors.^[123]
His consulship may therefore have been intended to emphasise the stability and
status quo of the regime. The revolt had been suppressed and the Empire returned
to order.

Relationship
with the Senate

Since the fall of the
Republic
, the authority of the
Roman Senate
had largely eroded under the
quasi-monarchical system of government established by
Augustus
, known as the
Principate
. The Principate allowed the
existence of a de facto dictatorial regime, while maintaining the formal
framework of the Roman Republic. Most Emperors upheld the public facade of
democracy, and in return the Senate implicitly acknowledged the Emperor’s status
as a de facto monarch.^[126]

Some rulers handled this arrangement with less subtlety than others. Domitian
was not so subtle. From the outset of his reign, he stressed the reality of his
autocracy
. He disliked
aristocrats
and had no fear of showing it,
withdrawing every decision-making power from the Senate, and instead relying on
a small set of friends and equestrians to control the important offices of
state.

The dislike was mutual. After Domitian’s assassination, the senators of Rome
rushed to the Senate house, where they immediately passed a motion
condemning his memory
to oblivion. Under the
rulers of the Nervan-Antonian dynasty, senatorial authors published histories
which elaborated on the view of Domitian as a tyrant.

Nevertheless, the evidence suggests that Domitian did make concessions toward
senatorial opinion. Whereas his father and brother had concentrated consular
power largely in the hands of the Flavian family, Domitian admitted a
surprisingly large number of provincials and potential opponents to the
consulship, allowing them to head the official calendar by opening the year as
an ordinary consul.^[58]
Whether this was a genuine attempt to reconcile with hostile factions in the
Senate cannot be ascertained. By offering the consulship to potential opponents,
Domitian may have wanted to compromise these senators in the eyes of their
supporters. When their conduct proved unsatisfactory, they were almost
invariably brought to trial and exiled or executed, and their property was
confiscated.

Both Tacitus and Suetonius speak of escalating persecutions toward the end of
Domitian’s reign, identifying a point of sharp increase around 93, or sometime
after the failed revolt of Saturninus in 89. At least twenty senatorial
opponents were executed,^[131]
including Domitia Longina’s former husband Lucius Aelius Lamia and three of
Domitian’s own family members,
Titus Flavius Sabinus IV
,
Titus Flavius Clemens
and
Marcus Arrecinus Clemens
.^[132]
Some of these men were executed as early as 83 or 85 however, lending little
credit to Tacitus’ notion of a “reign of terror” late in Domitian’s reign.
According to Suetonius, some were convicted for corruption or treason, others on
trivial charges, which Domitian justified through his suspicion:

He used to say that the lot of Emperors was most unfortunate, since when
they discovered a conspiracy, no one believed them unless they had been
murdered.

Suetonius
,
De Vita Caesarum
, “Life of
Domitian”, 21

Jones compares the executions of Domitian to those under Emperor
Claudius
(41–55), noting that Claudius executed
around 35 senators and 300 equestrians, and yet was still deified by the Senate
and regarded as one of the good Emperors of history.^[133]
Domitian was apparently unable to gain support among the aristocracy, despite
attempts to appease hostile factions with consular appointments. His autocratic
style of government accentuated the Senate’s loss of power, while his policy of
treating patricians and even family members as equals to all Romans earned him
their contempt.

Death and succession

Assassination (96)

According to Suetonius, Domitian worshipped
Minerva
as his protector goddess
with superstitious veneration. In a
dream
, she is said to have
abandoned the emperor prior to the
assassination
.

Domitian was murdered on 18 September 96, in a palace conspiracy organized by
court officials. A highly detailed account of the plot and the assassination is
provided by Suetonius
, who alleges that Domitian’s
chamberlain Parthenius was the chief instigator behind the conspiracy, citing
the recent execution of Domitian’s secretary
Epaphroditus
as the primary motive.The murder
itself was carried out by a freedman of Parthenius named Maximus, and a steward
of Domitian’s niece
Flavia Domitilla
, named
Stephanus
.

The precise involvement of the Praetorian Guard is less clear. At the time
the Guard was commanded by Titus Flavius Norbanus and Titus Petronius Secundus
and the latter was almost certainly aware of the plot.
Cassius Dio
, writing nearly a hundred years
after the assassination, includes Domitia Longina among the conspirators, but in
light of her attested devotion to Domitian—even years after her husband had
died—her involvement in the plot seems highly unlikely.

Dio further suggests that the assassination was improvised, while Suetonius
implies a well organised conspiracy. For some days before the attack took place,
Stephanus feigned an injury so as to be able to conceal a
dagger
beneath his bandages. On the day of the
assassination the doors to the servants’ quarters were locked while Domitian’s
personal weapon of last resort, a sword he concealed beneath his pillow, had
been removed in advance.

In accordance with an
astrological
prediction the Emperor believed
that he would die around noon, and was therefore restless during this time of
the day. On his last day, Domitian was feeling disturbed and asked a servant
several times what time it was. The boy, included in the plot, lied, saying that
it was much later than noon. More at ease, the Emperor went to his desk to sign
some decrees, where he was suddenly approached by Stephanus:

Then pretending to betray a conspiracy and for that reason being given an
audience, [Stephanus] stabbed the emperor in the groin as he was reading a
paper which the assassin handed him, and stood in a state of amazement. As
the wounded prince attempted to resist, he was slain with seven wounds by
Clodianus, a subaltern, Maximus, a freedman of Parthenius, Satur, decurion
of the chamberlains, and a gladiator from the imperial school.

Suetonius
,
De Vita Caesarum
, “Life of
Domitian”, 17

Domitian and Stephanus wrestled on the ground for some time, until the
Emperor was finally overpowered and fatally stabbed by the conspirators. Around
noon Domitian, just one month short of his 45th birthday, was dead. His body was
carried away on a common

bier, and unceremoniously
cremated
by his nurse Phyllis, who later
mingled the ashes with those of his niece Julia, at the Flavian temple.

According to Suetonius, a number of

omens had foretold Domitian’s death. Several days prior to the
assassination, Minerva
had appeared to him in a dream,
announcing she had been disarmed by
Jupiter
, and would no longer be able to protect
him.^[141]

Succession and
aftermath

Upon the death of Domitian,
Nerva
was proclaimed Emperor by the
Senate
.

The Fasti Ostienses
, the Ostian Calendar,
records that the same day the Senate proclaimed Marcus Cocceius Nerva emperor.
Despite his political experience, this was a remarkable choice. Nerva was old
and childless, and had spent much of his career out of the public light,
prompting both ancient and modern authors to speculate on his involvement in
Domitian’s assassination

According to Cassius Dio, the conspirators approached Nerva as a potential
successor prior to the assassination, suggesting that he was at least aware of
the plot He does not appear in Suetonius’ version of the events, but this may be
understandable, since his works were published under Nerva’s direct descendants
Trajan and Hadrian. To suggest the dynasty owed its accession to murder would
have been less than sensitive.

On the other hand, Nerva lacked widespread support in the Empire, and as a
known Flavian loyalist, his track record would not have recommended him to the
conspirators. The precise facts have been obscured by history, but modern
historians believe Nerva was proclaimed Emperor solely on the initiative of the
Senate, within hours after the news of the assassination broke.^[142]
The decision may have been hasty so as to avoid civil war, but neither appears
to have been involved in the conspiracy.

The Senate nonetheless rejoiced at the death of Domitian, and immediately
following Nerva’s accession as Emperor, passed
damnatio memoriae
on his memory: his coins
and statues were melted, his arches were torn down and his name was erased from
all public records.^[149]
Domitian and, over a century later
Publius Septimius Geta
, were the only emperors
known to have officially received a damnatio memoriae, though others may
have received de facto ones. In many instances, existing portraits of
Domitian, such as those found on the
Cancelleria Reliefs
, were simply recarved to
fit the likeness of Nerva, which allowed quick production of new images and
recycling of previous material. Yet the order of the Senate was only partially
executed in Rome, and wholly disregarded in most of the provinces outside Italy.

According to Suetonius, the people of Rome met the news of Domitian’s death
with indifference, but the army was much grieved, calling for his
deification
immediately after the
assassination, and in several provinces rioting. As a compensation measure, the
Praetorian guard demanded the execution of Domitian’s assassins, which Nerva
refused. Instead he merely dismissed Titus Petronius Secundus, and replaced him
with a former commander,
Casperius Aelianus
.

Dissatisfaction with this state of affairs continued to loom over Nerva’s
reign, and ultimately erupted into a crisis in October 97, when members of the
Praetorian guard, led by Casperius Aelianus, laid
siege
to the Imperial Palace and took Nerva
hostage. He was forced to submit to their demands, agreeing to hand over those
responsible for Domitian’s death and even giving a speech thanking the
rebellious Praetorians. Titus Petronius Secundus and Parthenius were sought out
and killed. Nerva was unharmed in this assault, but his authority was damaged
beyond repair. Shortly thereafter he announced the adoption of
Trajan
as his successor, and with this decision
all but abdicated
.

Legacy

Ancient sources

 

Domitian as Emperor (Vatican
Museums), possibly recut from a statue of Nero.

The classic view of Domitian is usually negative, since most of the antique
sources were related to the Senatorial or aristocratic class, with which
Domitian had a notoriously difficult relation. Furthermore, contemporary
historians such as
Pliny the Younger
,
Tacitus
and
Suetonius
all authored the information on his
reign after it had ended, and his memory had been condemned to oblivion. The
work of Domitian’s court poets
Martial
and
Statius
constitutes virtually the only literary
evidence concurrent with his reign. Perhaps equally unsurprising as the attitude
of post-Domitianic historians, the poems of Martial and Statius are highly
adulatory, praising Domitian’s achievements as equalling those of the gods.

The most extensive account of the life of Domitian to survive was written by
the historian Suetonius, who was born during the reign of Vespasian, and
published his works under Emperor
Hadrian
(117–138). His
De Vita Caesarum
is the source of much of
what is known of Domitian. Although his text is predominantly negative, it
neither exclusively condemns nor praises Domitian, and asserts that his rule
started well, but gradually declined into terror.^[156]
The biography is problematic however, in that it appears to contradict itself
with regards to Domitian’s rule and personality, at the same time presenting him
as a conscientious, moderate man, and as a decadent
libertine
.

According to Suetonius, Domitian wholly feigned his interest in arts and
literature, and never bothered to acquaint himself with classic authors. Other
passages, alluding to Domitian’s love of
epigrammatic
expression, suggest that he was in
fact familiar with classic writers, while he also patronized poets and
architects, founded artistic Olympics, and personally restored the library of
Rome at great expense after it had burned down.

De Vita Caesarum is also the source of several outrageous stories
regarding Domitian’s marriage life. According to Suetonius, Domitia Longina was
exiled in 83 because of an affair with a famous actor named
Paris
. When Domitian found out, he allegedly
murdered Paris in the street and promptly divorced his wife, with Suetonius
further adding that once Domitia was exiled, Domitian took Julia as his
mistress, who later died during a failed
abortion
.

Modern historians consider this highly implausible however, noting that
malicious rumours such as those concerning Domitia’s alleged infidelity were
eagerly repeated by post-Domitianic authors, and used to highlight the hypocrisy
of a ruler publicly preaching a return to Augustan morals, while privately
indulging in excesses and presiding over a corrupt court. Nevertheless, the
account of Suetonius has dominated imperial historiography for centuries.

Although Tacitus is usually considered to be the most reliable author of this
era, his views on Domitian are complicated by the fact that his father-in-law,
Gnaeus Julius Agricola, may have been a personal enemy of the Emperor. In his
biographical work
Agricola
, Tacitus maintains that Agricola
was forced into retirement because his triumph over the Caledonians highlighted
Domitian’s own inadequacy as a military commander. Several modern authors such
as Dorey have argued the opposite: that Agricola was in fact a close friend of
Domitian, and that Tacitus merely sought to distance his family from the fallen
dynasty once Nerva was in power.

Tacitus’ major historical works, including The Histories and
Agricola’s biography, were all written and published under Domitian’s successors
Nerva (96–98) and Trajan (98–117). Unfortunately, the part of Tacitus’
Histories dealing with the reign of the Flavian dynasty is almost entirely
lost. His views on Domitian survive through brief comments in its first five
books, and the short but highly negative characterisation in Agricola in
which he severely criticises Domitian’s military endeavours. Nevertheless,
Tacitus admits his debt to the Flavians with regard to his own public career.

Other influential 2nd century authors include
Juvenal
and
Pliny the Younger
, the latter of whom was a
friend of Tacitus and in 100 delivered his famous Panygericus Traiani
before Trajan and the Roman Senate, exalting the new era of restored freedom
while condemning Domitian as a tyrant. Juvenal savagely satirized the Domitianic
court in his
Satires
, depicting the Emperor and his
entourage as corrupt, violent and unjust. As a consequence, the anti-Domitianic
tradition was already well established by the end of the 2nd century, and by the
3rd century, even expanded upon by early Church historians, who identified
Domitian as an early persecutor of Christians.

Modern revisionism

Hostile views of Domitian were propagated until well into the early 20th
century, before
archeological
and
numismatic
advances brought renewed attention
to his reign, and necessitated a revision of the literary tradition established
by Tacitus and Pliny. In 1930,
Ronald Syme
argued a complete reassessment of
Domitian’s financial policy, which had until then been largely viewed as a
disaster, opening his paper with the following introduction:

“The work of the spade and the use of common sense have done much to
mitigate the influence of Tacitus and Pliny and redeem the memory of
Domitian from infamy or oblivion. But much remains to be done.”
 

Ronald Syme
, Imperial finances under
Domitian, Nerva and Trajan

Over the course of the 20th century, Domitian’s military, administrative and
economic policies were re-evaluated. New book length studies were not published
until the 1990s however, nearly a hundred years after
Stéphane Gsell
‘s Essai sur le règne de
l’empereur Domitien (1894). The most important of these was The Emperor
Domitian, by
Brian W. Jones
. In his
monograph
, Jones concludes that Domitian was a
ruthless, but efficient autocrat.^[162]
For the majority of his reign, there was no widespread dissatisfaction with the
emperor or his rule. His harshness was felt by only a small, but highly vocal
minority, who later exaggerated his despotism in favour of the well regarded
Nervan-Antonian dynasty
which followed.

Domitian’s foreign policy was realistic, rejecting expansionist warfare and
negotiating peace at a time when Roman military tradition dictated aggressive
conquest. His economic program, which was rigorously efficient, maintained the
Roman currency at a standard it would never again achieve. Persecution of
religious minorities, such as Jews and Christians, was non-existent. Domitian’s
government nonetheless exhibited
totalitarian
characteristics. As Emperor, he
saw himself as the new Augustus, an enlightened despot destined to guide the
Roman Empire into a new era of Flavian renaissance.

Religious, military and cultural
propaganda
fostered a
cult of personality
. He deified three of his
family members and erected massive structures to commemorate the Flavian
achievements. Elaborate triumphs were celebrated in order to boost his image as
a warrior-emperor, but many of these were either unearned or premature. By
nominating himself perpetual censor, he sought to control public and private
morals.

He became personally involved in all branches of the government and
successfully prosecuted corruption among public officials. The dark side of his
censorial power involved a restriction in freedom of speech, and an increasingly
oppressive attitude toward the Roman Senate. He punished libel with exile or
death and, due to his suspicious nature, increasingly accepted information from
informers
to bring false charges of treason if
necessary.

Although contemporary historians vilified Domitian after his death, his
administration provided the foundation for the Principate of the peaceful 2nd
century. His successors Nerva and Trajan were less restrictive, but in reality
their policies differed little from Domitian’s. Much more than a “gloomy coda to
the…1st century” the Roman Empire prospered between 81 and 96, in a reign
which
Theodor Mommsen
described as the sombre but
intelligent despotism of Domitian.